Volume
1; General information and procedures followed for compilation
of the individual archaeological reports
1.
Introduction
1.1
Introduction to the Project
1.1.1
The Peoples Millennium Forest Project is a research project established
to restore and create new native woodlands and to create awareness
amongst the general public through various initiatives. As part
of the overall management of sixteen woodland sites, in addition
to information gathering for each site, an archaeological survey
was to be carried out as part of the brief during the summer of
2000. While initially sixteen woodland sites were proposed for
archaeological survey, this was later reduced to fifteen sites
with one site being surveyed by Dúchas-The Heritage Service.
The
Project Mission of the People's Millennium Forests is "to
ensure that all future generations can enjoy the benefits of Ireland's
native forests".
1.1.2
The Objective of the People's Millennium Forests project was threefold:
(i)
To enrich and expand Ireland's native forests
(ii) To help people appreciate native forests
(iii) To develop the capability to manage native forests in a
sustainable manner
1.1.3
The People's Millennium Forests Project is sponsored by AIB, the
National Millennium Committee, the Forest Service and Cóillte
in association with the Woodlands of Ireland Group, Dúchas-The
Heritage Service and the Heritage Council. Cóillte was
appointed to manage the project in 1999. It is the largest programme
ever aimed at restoring native woodlands. There are sixteen sites
throughout the country; 12 are Cóillte sites, two belong
to the Forest Service Northern Ireland, one each belong to Dúchas-The
Heritage Service and Westmeath County Council. The forest site
owned by Dúchas-The Heritage Service was outside the brief
and thus not examined as part of this archaeological survey.
1.1.4
The total area involved is close to 570ha (1,420 acres). The main
operation at sites by the forestry service will include fencing
against trespassing animals, especially deer and sheep, the removal
of non-native species, planting native tree species and the provision
of interpretative and recreational facilities. Other activities
will be engaged at the general public with the project including
education, training, promotion, involvement and public relations
sub programmes. The planting of native trees will come under the
'Householder Tree Scheme'. Overall the budget amounts to £4
million for the project.
1.1.5
The policy of the project organisers is that these sites are managed
sensitively using best ecological management practises involving
ecological and archaeological survey of the sites concerned within
the overall aim of placing the relevant data into management plans.
1.1.6
This project is in effect fifteen separate projects due to the
location of the fifteen woodland sites around the country and
the individual approach each site warranted in terms of the research
methods applied. Some sites involved more work than others, particularly
those across the border where research material had to be sourced
in Belfast. The archaeological component of the project extends
across thirteen counties, thirteen woodland sites located within
the Republic and two within Northern Ireland.
1.1.7
The criteria and tasks set down to be examined for the archaeological
component of the survey as part of the overall project included:
*
ground truthing and mapping of any site specific archaeological
and other notable man-made structures (post 1700 AD), with the
aid of the Sites and Monuments Records, where applicable (maps
and notes).
*
collation of any general historical information pertaining to
the surrounding area that may be used in future interpretative
and general publications on the project.
*
to liase with the site managers for each woodland site as the
survey was being conducted and notifying them of any new monuments/features
discovered. Cóillte inventory maps were provided for each
site (scale 6 inch to 1 mile) which were used to map any and all
monuments/structures found at this scale.
*
Compilation of all material in a final report, which is to consist
of all the above and to include any management advice on the protection
of key monuments/structures identified on site.
The
purpose of these criteria was to provide information on each site
to increase knowledge of past human activity in these areas and
to address the appropriate sensitive management of these woodlands.
1.1.8
This report provides a baseline archaeological survey for each
woodland site and based upon the projected works for each site,
outlines the scope of the possible impacts on archaeology and
the appropriate archaeological mitigations to offset these.
1.1.9
The archaeological survey component of the study was carried out
over a three month period between July and August 2000 in tandem
with associated historical and cartographic research.
1.1.10
The forest sites, were invariably located within portions of larger
woodlands, which ranged in size from 8 to 104 hectares. As part
of the project's main aim, the conifers planted within each of
these forest sites would be clearfelled and were being prepared
for planting in the autumn of 2000. During the course of the field
survey component of the study, this clearfelling had either been
completed or was ongoing. The sizes of the clearfelled areas ranged
from 2 hectares to 70 hectares and in nine of the fifteen sites,
comprised the entire forest site. The remaining forest sites comprised
either semi-natural woodland or had previously been planted with
native species. These sites warranted a more detailed survey as
in many cases, they represent sites which have been wooded for
centuries and had a high potential for yielding archaeological
sites.
1.1.11
The individual woodland sites have been assigned Site Numbers
and are outlined below for the purposes of the archaeological
survey. The forest sites are placed in alphabetical order according
to county as follows:
List
of Forest Sites
Site
Number Site Name County
Site 1 Castlearchdale Fermanagh
Site 2 Derrygill Galway
Site 3 Rosturra Galway
Site 4 Rossacroo Kerry
Site 5 Woodlands Kilkenny
Site 6 Lacca Laois
Site 7 Tourmakeady Mayo
Site 8 Derrygorry Monaghan
Site 9 Cullentra Sligo
Site 10 Glengarra Tipperary S. Riding
Site 11 Favour Royal Tyrone
Site 12 Portlick Westmeath
Site 13 Camolin Wexford
Site 14 Ballygannon Wicklow
Site 15 Shelton Wicklow
1.2
The Archaeological Study
1.2.1
The Scope of the Archaeological Study
1.2.1.1
The objective of the archaeological study was primarily to identify
known archaeological sites and areas of archaeological potential
so that the impact of proposed clearfelling and planting operations
could be fully assessed and appropriate mitigation suggested.
1.2.1.2
The study provides a detailed background on each forest site through
an examination of the archaeological and historical record drawn
from the existing archaeological, documentary and historical resources.
1.2.1.3 The study of each forest site is based on:
* a detailed historical study for each area
* a study of the historic maps in relation to the present rural
environment (Figures 1-69) for each location
* an analysis of the existing recorded archaeological monuments
in the vicinity of each site
* a record of all stray finds from each site and the surrounding
townlands
* photographic record of each site (Plates 1-69)
* digital imaging of this information (Figures 1-69)
1.2.2
The Function of the Study
1.2.2.1
The function of the study is to identify sites and areas of archaeological
significance and provide definition on the nature, extent and
context of these sites within each area.
1.2.2.2
The function of the overall pre-planting study is to identify
the sources, scale and nature of felling and planting procedures
and their impacts in an attempt to propose ameliorative measures,
where possible, to ensure the safeguarding of any monuments, features
or finds of antiquity.
1.2.3
The Structure of this Document
1.2.3.1
Because of the scale of this project, the study has been divided
into three main volumes.
Volume
1 outlines the structure of the document as well as establishing
the nature of the archaeological survey and the methodology employed.
It describes the types of archaeological sites present in the
forest environment and places these within their various time
periods. A general history of woodlands within Ireland is also
summarised. Volume I provides a framework of suggested impacts
and mitigation measures for the planting and clearfelling of forests
as well as outlining criteria for the protection and enhancement
of both the known and potential archaeological heritage.
Volume
2 provides detailed site specific information on each forest site
as outlined in section 1.2.1.3 above and section 2 below.
Volume
3 contains all of the figures and plates related to each of the
sites described in volume II.
1.3.
Methodology
1.3.1
This study identifies known archaeological sites both within each
forest site and in addition the known archaeological sites which
lie adjacent to or in the immediate environs of the forests.
1.3.2
Archaeological and Historical Background
This section involves a comprehensive search through documentary
and literary references as well as cartographic sources. Due to
the time scale of the study and the nature of the forest site
locations (some being located well outside known towns or villages),
the material gleaned from sources has proved minimal. Individual
archaeological and historical societies have been important in
gauging the amount of information available on each site. The
location and nature of some of the sites inspected have yielded
little historical information pertaining to forest cover due to
the relatively recent nature of planting in some of the surveyed
areas and the lack of significant historical and archaeological
sites in their vicinities.
1.3.3
The Field Study
1.3.3.1 A program of field walking, inspection and survey has
been carried out across each of the 15 sites associated with the
project. The field survey component of the project was conducted
between July and the end of August 2000.
This
was undertaken to assess the following criteria:
(i) Current land use
(ii) Access to the sites
(iii) Inspection of known or potentially new archaeological sites
(iv) To record any potential upstanding building(s)/remains within
the boundaries of the selected woodland sites
(v) Examine the nature of the topography of each site
(vi) Gather any additional environmental information deemed relevant
to the survey
The program of field walking was carried out thoroughly in as
far as possible (see section 1.3.3.5-1.3.3.12 outlined below)
across each of the woodland sites.
1.3.3.2
The main aim of the survey was to identify, locate and describe
known archaeological sites and potential archaeological sites
within the designated areas. The field walking also sought to
locate any low visibility archaeological monuments which had little
surface expression. A GPS instrument was utilised to record the
location of any identified archaeological monuments encountered
in the field. This instrument enables the location of any known
archaeological site or potential site down to a six digit national
grid reference using satellite enhancement. However, as was revealed
during the survey, the use of the GPS instrument was extremely
limited due to the nature of the tree canopy coverage within the
woodland sites. This resulted in the inability of the instrument
to identify and read co-ordinates as the satellite radar were
unable to penetrate to the forest floor.
1.3.3.3
Topography
There are seven types of topographic locations which have been
identified across all of the fifteen woodlands sites, each displaying
different types of archaeological sites. The topographic locations
consist of the following:
(i)
Upland; steep hillside
(ii) River valley
(iii) Drumlin countryside with conical hills
(iv) Gently rolling landscape
(v) Lowlying landscape; wet and dry margins
(vi) Bogland
(vii) Rivers, lakes, streams within forest sites
The
relevant category or categories are assigned according to each
forest site in volume II.
1.3.3.4
The sites varied considerably in terms of size, terrain and accessibility
and included both forested and clearfelled areas. The forested
areas included conifers of various ages set to be clearfelled
as part of the project, in addition to numerous deciduous species
ranging from the newly planted to the ancient.
Only
two of the study areas, Rosturra and Tourmakeady contained previously
recorded and identified archaeological sites, a ringfort and two
possible crannogs respectively. No new archaeological sites were
discovered. A number of sites and features dating to the last
few centuries, namely vernacular cottages and field walls, were
investigated, although in most cases they represent sites and
features clearly marked on the 3rd edition Ordnance Survey maps
that form the basis for both the SMR and Cóillte site location
maps.
1.3.3.5
Both the forested and clearfelled areas presented a number of
specific problems in relation to traditional archaeological field
survey methods. The main problems associated with wooded areas
were accessibility and visibility. The wooded areas ranged from
planted conifers to planted and natural deciduous woodland. The
older stands of planted conifers offered the best in terms of
visibility and accessibility as the trees are planted in widely
separate rows with little or no underbrush and all of the branches
high over head (Plate 1). As the trees were planted in rows, good
visibility over long distances was possible, as was ease of access
throughout the wooded area.
1.3.3.6
However, areas containing younger planted conifers (Plate 2) were
almost completely inaccessible and had a visibility of near zero
as their branches extended to the ground and in many cases filled
the areas between the rows. These areas could not be properly
surveyed.
1.3.3.7
Wooded areas consisting primarily of deciduous trees, both planted
and natural/semi-natural had an overall lower level of visibility
than coniferous woods. Areas containing mature deciduous trees
supported thick undergrowth which while generally allowing access
proved a problem for visibility over extensive areas (Plate 3).
This problem was exacerbated as the surveys were conducted during
high summer when the foliage of both trees and undergrowth were
at their fullest.
1.3.3.8
The accuracy of the field survey carried out in these areas was
compromised by the poor visibility coupled with the sheer size
of many of these sites. This factor resulted in the conclusion
that detailed survey required a team of trained personnel and
longer survey time, both factors outside the brief of this project.
Stands of younger deciduous trees presented the same problems
as young conifers, namely limited accessibility and even poorer
visibility.
1.3.3.9
Clearfelled areas, of which many of the sites consisted, posed
a different series of problems for archaeological survey. While
generally providing greater visibility over long distances, the
nature of the clear-felling meant that the ground had been seriously
disturbed and in many cases strewn with debris (Plate 4). This
meant that while larger archaeological features and monuments
were readily visible, more ambiguous features were completely
hidden if not destroyed during the process of clear-felling. Likewise,
while access was generally more easily obtained here than amongst
the younger stands of planted trees, the difficulty of movement
over such broken terrain reduced the efficacy of the field surveys.
1.3.3.10
Each of the sites were surveyed within the amount of time budgeted
notwithstanding the problems raised above. Existing access roads
and pathways were used when present with the areas in between
being investigated where access was possible. Clearfelled areas
were walked in a zigzag pattern, as the debris and ground disturbance
allowed, to maximise the chances of locating archaeology. Areas
containing mature conifers were surveyed by walking back and forth
between the planted rows in intervals of approximately 25m. The
banks of watercourses, including small streams and small rivers,
and in two cases, lakeshore areas, were investigated (where the
undergrowth allowed) as some types of archaeological sites tend
to be found in such areas. In some cases, the surveys were extended
outside the boundaries of the study areas for the purpose of investigating
previously recorded archaeological and historical sites.
1.3.3.11
While all of the sites were investigated in the field, only those
sites containing mature conifers can be considered to have been
definitively surveyed. Areas clear-felled at the time of survey,
while completely covered, may contain areas of archaeological
potential which were rendered invisible by the processes used
during clear-felling. Deciduous woodlands and newly planted conifers
were by far the least well covered and cannot in anyway be considered
to have been definitively surveyed. The lack of both accessibility
and visibility meant that a true, 100% survey of these sites would
have required considerably more time and more people and was thus
not possible within the scope of this study.
1.3.3.12
In conclusion the results of the field walking, while thorough,
cannot be considered as representing the definitive archaeological
record of each site owing to the problems summarised below:
(i) the time of year e.g. summer
(ii) clear-felling process
(iii) poor visibility in young coniferous forests
(iv) poor-low visibility at forest floor
(v) poor-impossible access in young forest and dense undergrowth
in deciduous forests
(vi) inability of GPS system to record accurately
1.3.4
The Desk Study
1.3.4.1
The desk study presented in this report has involved comprehensive
research through all available and relevant records pertaining
to each site and its environs on a per county basis. The primary
source of information for the desk study were the files of the
Sites and Monuments Record (SMR) of Dúchas-The Heritage
Service, Department of Arts, Heritage, Gaeltacht and the Islands.
1.3.4.2
Sites and Monuments Record (SMR)
The Sites and Monuments Record provides the framework for the
list of archaeological sites and all other archaeological records
relating to the forest sites researched for the purposes of this
report. The SMR (as revised in the light of fieldwork) formed
the basis for the establishment of the statutory Record of Monuments
and Places pursuant to Section 12 of the National Monuments (Amendment)
Act 1994.
1.3.4.3
The 6" Ordnance Survey maps were acquired covering the relevant
woodland sites. The relevant sheet references for each site according
to county is outlined in volume 2 according to each forest site.
The SMR is available for each county throughout Ireland and comprises
6" constraint maps published in A0 books which can be inspected
at the offices of Dúchas-The Heritage Service in Dublin
as well as at main public libraries located in each county throughout
the country. Each county is covered by a series of maps and accompanied
by a manual in which relevant information pertaining to each SMR
site is outlined according to its relevant sheet number. The maps
begin with Sheet 1 and are produced at a reduced 6" scale.
The number of maps covering each county is depicted on an index
sheet at the front of each book with notable towns and cities
highlighted for ease of use. In the case of researching smaller
areas which are not located near any notable town, the Townland
Index is available. This book provides a list of all townlands
in Ireland according to each county and lists the relevant 6"
Ordnance Survey sheet reference in which a said townland appears.
1.3.4.4
The SMR files, maps and manuals record all known upstanding archaeological
monuments, their original location (in cases of destroyed monuments)
and the position of possible sites identified as cropmarks on
vertical aerial photographs. This is based on a comprehensive
range of published and publicly available documentary and cartographic
sources. The information held in the SMR files is read in conjunction
with the constraint maps. The SMR is constantly updated and is
the first stage in the preparation of a national archaeological
survey, with inventories also published at an interim stage.
1.3.4.5
Each of the sites shown on the 6" O.S. maps is surrounded
by a proposed Area of Interest; this indicates a zone around the
known extant remains in which related sub-surface archaeological
features are likely to occur, and simply suggests a zone of archaeological
potential in which proposed works should be avoided. Each site,
together with its Area of Interest, is represented to scale. The
accompanying manual to each book of SMR constraint maps details
the information on each SMR site according to the sheet in which
it is located and includes information such as national grid reference
(NGR) of each site; the townland in which it is located and the
classification of the site type. Each woodland site was plotted
onto the relevant portion of the SMR map highlighting the archaeological
sites within and in close proximity to each specific location
(Figures 1-69). From the 6" Ordnance Survey maps, a list
of the archaeological sites and their proximity to each woodland
site was compiled (see volume two for each individual site).
1.3.4.6
The information held within the SMR for each county varies according
to the extent to which field work has been carried out by Dúchas-The
Heritage Service. For Co. Mayo, the descriptions of the relevant
SMR sites are brief including reference to their presence in cartographic
sources as well as journals. The files are continually updated
based on additional fieldwork conducted. SMR files for counties
such as Wicklow provided detailed information on the site itself
along with comprehensive historical and documentary references.
1.3.4.7
Each archaeological site has a corresponding SMR Number. For example,
site 21 on sheet 19 in Clare is written CL019:021. The prefix
"CL" refers to the county in which the site is located
e.g. "CL" refers to County Clare. Each county has its
own individual prefix. For the purposes of this study the SMR
prefix for the relevant counties are outlined below:
County SMR Prefix
Galway GA
Kerry KE
Kilkenny KK
Laois LA
Mayo MA
Monaghan MO
Sligo SL
South Tipperary TS
Fermanagh FE
Tyrone TY
Westmeath WM
Wexford WE
Wicklow WI
1.3.4.8
The sites are described to establish the general archaeological
presence within and in the vicinity of the various woodland sites
as well indicating the possible impact of forestry on the archaeological
environment.
1.3.4.9
Each SMR site is described as it occurs firstly, within the individual
woodland sites and secondly, as they occur in the immediate environs
of the forest sites. A maximum zone of 2500m was examined in the
vicinity of each site to assess the archaeological landscape in
these locations. The size of this zone was simply used in some
instances as an indication of the closest recorded archaeological
monuments to forest sites which were not located close to any
known archaeological site.
1.3.4.10 Classification
The classification attributed to each archaeological site refers
to its importance in the archaeological record. This classification
is based on both its presence in the cartographic record i.e.
Ordnance Survey maps and its description from associated field
work. The classification is a broadly based classification and
is used as guidance only as to the nature and importance of the
site. A 'Classification Table' is included in Appendix 2 describing
the types of monuments specific to each category.
1.3.5
The Topographical Files of The National Museum of Ireland
A comprehensive search through the Topographical Files of the
National Museum of Ireland was carried out to record any stray
finds from the relevant woodland sites and their surrounding areas
according to county. The National Museum of Ireland (NMI) is the
repository of the national collection of archaeological objects
built up over a century with new additions added regularly. The
Irish Antiquities division of the NMI has in its care a large
paper archive including records, reports and other material from
the late eighteenth century to the present day. The Topographical
files identify recorded stray finds in the Museum archive which
are provenanced to townland. The files on finds, which have been
donated to the State in accordance with National Monuments legislation,
sometimes include reports on excavations undertaken by NMI archaeologists
earlier in the twentieth century, including 6" co-ordinates
for the precise find spot and detailed descriptions on the finds
themselves.
1.3.6
Documentary Sources
Documentary and literary references were also consulted. The compilation
of this report involved an in depth examination of a series of
6" and 25" Ordnance Survey maps for the area and a detailed
review of the associated historical maps of the area where available.
The research and enclosed map extracts are derived from The Map
Library, Trinity College Library, Dublin (Figures 1-69). The selected
woodland sites have been plotted onto the relevant maps and an
analysis of the maps was carried out to reveal additional information
on the nature of these locations and their previous use/uses.
1.3.7
Placenames
From an examination of the place-names for each of the forest
sites one common form of place name has been observed. In addition,
the place-name derivation of each county, townland, barony and
parish are examined in closer detail in volume two in relation
to each forest site.
The most predominant place name observed throughout those examined
is "Kill". This usually forms part of either the townland,
barony or parish name.
"Kil(l)":
is the anglicised version of the Irish form "Cill" meaning
church and is the most frequently occurring portion in Irish place-names.
It is the dative singular of the word "ceall", derived
from the Latin "cella", which in Classical Latin referred
to a "room within a building". In place-names it has
a range of associated meanings: "church, monastic settlement
or foundation, churchyard, graveyard". Of these, in place-names,
"monastic settlement" is the commonest reference, particularly
where the name can be shown to pre-date the ecclesiastical reforms
of the twelfth century. It is the most prevalent ecclesiastical
element in parish names, townland names and minor names. Because
of its anglicised version "kill" it is often indistinguishable
from the Irish word "coil" or "wood". (Flanaghan
& Flanaghan 1994, 50).
1.3.8
Folklore
The Department of Folklore in University College Dublin holds
the definitive record of all material relating to this discipline.
A thorough search was carried out in this archive to attempt to
identify any information relating to the forest sites in question
(Appendix 3). The archive of the Department of Folklore is divided
into two main components:
(i)
The Manuscript Reference Collection
(i) The Schools Collection
Each
collection was searched using firstly the barony name and secondly
the parish name of the known forest site on a county wide basis.
This resulted in a general reference to various books and manuscripts
within each collection in which material could be read in relation
to a specific parish for each county. Each reference was examined
in the hope of revealing any reference material pertaining to
a forest in the parish.
The
individual forest sites to be surveyed were investigated through
both of these collections and a comprehensive amount of references
were identified as a result. These have been listed according
to each site in volume II. The references listed are denoted by
two different prefixes as follows:
IFC.S
Irish Folklore Commission-Schools Collection
IFC.M Irish Folklore Commission-Manuscript References
For
those forest sites which were located in the west of Ireland in
particular the search was considerably slowed due to the archive
material being only available in Irish with no English translation
e.g. Tourmakeady Woodland, Co. Mayo, Cullentra, Co. Sligo and
Derrygill and Rosturra, Co. Galway. However, despite the volume
of references collated (Appendix 3) the result of the search proved
time consuming and not very fruitful.
In
addition the Department of Folklore aided in other research pertaining
to historical information with its comprehensive library and in
particular, that related to the provenance of place names and
townlands for each county.
1.4
Archaeology and the Landscape
1.4.1
What follows is a chronological overview of the main time periods
in Irish prehistory and history with specific references to the
archaeological sites found within and in the vicinity of the forest
sites surveyed in this project.
1.4.2
The Mesolithic 7000 BC to 4500 BC
The first humans to colonise Ireland arrived after the last glacial
period around 9000 years ago. They encountered a landscape dominated
by extensive deciduous forest. Archaeological evidence from this
period indicates that these people practised an economy based
upon hunting, gathering and fishing and who focused their settlements
on Ireland's rivers, lakes and coastal regions where they could
best exploit all of the food types available to them. The archaeological
record form this period is scant, being limited to a few habitation
sites and isolated finds of their distinctive stone tools.
Much
of the food collected by Ireland's inhabitants during the Mesolithic
came from the forest itself. Archaeological excavations of their
habitation sites has revealed the bones of wild pig, red deer,
and several bird species including wood-pigeon, woodcock, capercaillie,
grouse and duck. These species would have thrived in Ireland's
primeval forests. Fish was also an important resource and included
mainly salmon, trout and eel. Large quantities of burnt hazel
nut shells have also been recovered from Mesolithic sites, in
addition to the seeds of wild pear and crab apple. These findings
indicate that the forest was an important source of both animal
and plant foods (Waddell 1998:12).
While
Ireland's Mesolithic inhabitants left little in the way of visible
reminders of their occupation, findings of their distinctive stone
tools have been made in widely disparate areas of the country.
In fact, a number of these tools have been found in the townland
of Camolin, Co. Wexford, in which the forest site of the same
name is found. The Mesolithic inhabitants of this area would have
exploited the extensive forests that once covered the area in
addition to the nearby coastal region.
1.4.3
The Neolithic 4500 BC to 2300 BC
The dawn of the Neolithic Period in Ireland heralded the introduction
of agriculture and associated forest clearance. It was likely
introduced by colonists from Britain and the continent, who gradually
replaced/assimilated the indigenous Mesolithic population. Neolithic
farmers practised small scale mixed agriculture with an emphasis
on livestock including cattle, sheep and pigs. Crops appear to
have fulfilled a secondary role and included mainly wheat and
barley. Despite the advent of agriculture, forest resources such
as wild pig, red deer and hazel nuts remained an important aspect
of the Neolithic economy. Pollen evidence suggests that forest
clearance began initially at a small scale but eventually became
widespread by around 4000 BC. By the end of the Neolithic Period
most of the island was inhabited, with settlement focused on higher
ground and hill slopes where the forests were thinner and thus
easier to clear and the soils lighter and easier to till (Aalen
1978: 53-58).
Settlement
data from the Neolithic is quite scarce, with the archaeological
record for the period being overwhelmingly dominated by monumental
structures, most of which are mortuary related. Known as Megalithic
tombs, these monuments are found all over Ireland and are divided
into four main types, court, passage, portal and wedge tombs,
all of which have specific characteristics and distributions throughout
the country.
The
only site dating to this period encountered during the course
of this study is a wedge tomb located almost 1km north-west of
Rossacroo forest in Co. Kerry. Wedge tombs are chronologically
the latest and the most numerous of the Megalithic tombs. They
are found all over Ireland although they are particularly concentrated
in the West, especially Clare, Kerry and Cork. The may have been
in use as early as 3000 BC, although most date from the end of
the Neolithic Period and the Early Bronze Age, 2500 BC to 1700
BC (Waddell 1998). They general consisted of a single chamber
constructed using orthostats and one or more capstones. They are
called wedge tombs as many have a narrow wedge shaped or trapezoidal
chamber. They vary considerably in size with the chamber ranging
from 2m to 9m in length.
The
excavation of these tombs have revealed deposits of both cremated
and unburnt human bones, although cremated remains predominate.
They often contained the remains of a number of individuals in
addition to animal bones and artefacts including primarily pottery.
The
increasing scale of development in Ireland in recent years has
lead to the discovery of a greater number of house sites dating
to the Neolithic. These sites constitute very important finds
and are usually found by complete surprise as there are rarely
any surface indications of their presence. The likelihood of such
a site being discovered during activities related to forestry
development, particularly clearfelling, road building or excavating
drainage ditches, is always a potential.
1.4.4
The Bronze Age 2300 BC to 600 BC and The Iron Age 600 BC to 400AD
These periods constitute the later half of the prehistoric period
in Ireland. Their occurrence is based primarily upon the introduction
of metal working technology to Ireland, copper and bronze initially
followed by iron.
Whereas
forest clearance in the Neolithic was characterised by small scale,
sporadic episodes, followed by lengthy periods of forest regeneration,
The final Neolithic and Early Bronze Age landscape shows signs
of widespread deforestation associated with the growth of blanket
bog in upland areas and the colonisation and clearance of lowland
areas (Aalen 1983: 365). This is mirrored by the distribution
of sites dating to this period. As in the previous period, many
of the sites dating to the Bronze Age were related to mortuary
functions and include cist burials, alone or in cemeteries, barrows,
ring barrows and ring ditches.
Another
very common site type dating primarily to the Middle/Late Bronze
Age, are fuluchta fiadh, which have been found in increasing numbers
in recent years and consist of horseshoe shaped mounds of burnt
stone. The burnt stone is the result of a process of heating the
stones and then placing them in a trough filled with water. This
had the effect of heating the water to boiling in which large
pieces of meat would be inserted to cook. The mounds were formed
through the discard of used burnt stones. The sizes of these mounds
indicate repeated use over considerable lengths of time. While
no fuluchta fiadh have been found within or close to any of the
survey areas, their location in heavily forested terrain would
be very difficult. These sites generally occur close to a water
source and as many of the forest sites included in this study
have streams or rivers flowing through them, the presence of fuluchta
fiadh along their heavily wooded banks is certainly a high possibility.
The
only sites possibly dating to the Bronze Age encountered in the
course of this study include the wedge tomb near Rossacroo and
a standing stone located 850m NW of Shelton in Co. Wicklow. As
mentioned in the previous section, wedge tombs can date from the
Late Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age. Without excavation, the
date of the wedge tomb at Rosacroo cannot be more precisely dated.
Standing stones constitute a common feature of the Irish landscape
and are found throughout the country. They consist of upright
stones, 1m to 3m in height and are difficult to date precisely
as their excavation very rarely reveals any related features which
may yield datable material. However, they are commonly believed
to be features of the Late Neolithic/Bronze Age although examples
dating to later periods are certainly known. In fact they are
still being erected today for use as cattle scratchers. Their
function is similarly ambiguous. Some have been found associated
with Bronze Age burials and megalithic tombs but most have no
related archaeology and may very likely have been used as markers
of territorial divisions (O'Kelly 1989: 228). Standing stones
occurring in alignments and circles are also well known in Ireland
and may have been used to mark astronomical events and/or were
used for ritual purposes.
The
Iron Age represents the final stage of Ireland's prehistory and
one of the most enigmatic. Beginning with the introduction of
iron technology around 600 BC and ending with the introduction
of Christianity in the 5th century AD, the Iron Age is characterised
by the general absence of known settlement types, burial forms
and pottery in addition to the uniqueness of the period in comparison
to its contemporaries in Britain and on the Continent and in general,
its apparent continuity with Late Bronze Age (Cooney and Grogan
1994: 200-202; O'Kelly 1989: 245). All of this evidence runs contrary
to the popular image of the Irish Iron Age as the time in which
Ireland became "Celtic", with the invasion of successive
waves of people from the continent as is outlined in the Mythological
Cycles (O'Kelly 1989: 252-255). There is no archaeological evidence
for a large scale population intrusion during this period and
the major external influence on Ireland may have been Roman-Britain
(Cooney and Grogan 1994: 200-202).
This
being said, there are comparatively few Iron Age sites known in
Ireland and no site types specific to this period. This, coupled
with the evidence for climactic deterioration and forest regeneration
during this period has been taken as evidence for social decline
during the Iron Age. However, it is more likely that the absence
of well dated Iron Age sites in Ireland is due to the possible
similarity of sites from this period to those from the preceding
and following periods.
This
being said, it is certainly possible that many of the sites associated
with this study dating to the Early Christian period may in fact
date to the Iron Age. These include ringforts/cashels, and crannogs.
As well, a number of the more ambiguously datable site types such
as earthworks and enclosures may date to any period including
the Iron Age.
1.4.5
The Early Christian Period AD 400 to AD 1167
The beginning of this period is marked by the coming of St. Patrick
and the introduction of Christianity to Ireland and the end by
the Anglo-Norman invasion. The Early Christian Period is often
viewed as Ireland's Golden Age and is characterised by the construction
of numerous ecclesiastical sites including churches, monasteries
and round towers in addition to a flourishing of knowledge, writing
and art. Many of the archaeological sites found in close proximity
to the forest sites and including all three of the archaeological
sites from within the forest areas date to the Early Christian
Period.
Ringforts and there stone counterparts, cashels, constitute the
most common of all monuments in the Irish landscape with numbers
in excess of fifty thousand. They consist of circular enclosures
25m to 60m in diameter bounded by earthen banks or stonewalls
and an external ditches. They occur in all areas throughout the
country with nearly every townland having one or more example.
They are commonly believed to have been enclosed farmsteads with
internal structures for habitation and likely held livestock as
well. However, the excavation of ringforts often reveal no internal
structures and thus many were likely used primarily for holding
livestock. Examples from the study area include one located 200m
east of Woodlands in Kilkenny, two near Derrygorry in Co. Monaghan,
450m to the SE and 650m to the east respectively. Other examples
include one just 80m south of Portlick in Westmeath and three
close to Ballygannon in Wicklow. A fine example of a ringfort
is located close to Favour Royal in Co. Tyrone (Plates 48-49).
One of the sites contained within the study areas includes a ringfort
at Rosturra in Co. Galway (Plate 12).
Another
form of settlement site from the Early Christian Period are crannogs.
These are artificial islands constructed of wood and earth and
are generally located in small lakes close to the shore. On these
islands were constructed houses and due to the effort in making
them and their defensibility, in addition to finds from their
excavation, indicate that they often constituted higher status
habitation sites than ringforts. Two possible crannog sites are
listed for Tourmakeady in Co. Mayo (Plates 28-29). While they
certainly look like crannogs, the forest manager, Michael Cox
maintains they were constructed recently through the dumping of
brush wood in the lake. In addition, local knowledge indicates
the lake itself may be artificial having been built in the 19th
century soon after the land was taken over by Bishop Plunkett.
Other
sites encountered during the course of the study and dating to
this period include an ecclesiastical complex comprising an enclosure,
church and graveyard 270m to the south of Shelton in Co. Wicklow.
Many other sites including churches, graveyards, holy wells and
crosses may date to this period but until further work has been
completed, no precise date may be given for these sites and they
may date to the Early Christian, Medieval or even later Periods.
Likewise,
the ringforts, cashels and crannogs of the Early Christian Period
may in fact date to earlier periods. Precise dates for these sites
will only be obtainable through excavation. Many of the other,
less well defined sites including enclosures and earthworks may
date from the Early Christian Period.
1.4.6
The Medieval Period AD 1167 to AD 1500
The Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland in 1167 AD heralded renewed
forest clearance and the reclamation of bogland, population expansion
and the creation of new settlement types, including the establishment
of towns and villages. Land clearance and field systems were more
extensive than in earlier periods, often radiating outwards from
settlement nuclei and the manors (Castles, tower houses, motte
and baileys and moated sites) of the lords (Aalen 1978: 114-115).
In many of the Irish held areas of the island, settlement remained
diffuse and the economy based upon husbandry.
A
number of sites dating to the Medieval Period are located in close
proximity to the study areas. A motte is located 210m east of
Portlick in Westmeath. Mottes are large artificial mounds, often
associated with a bailey, an enclosed area, at the base of the
mound. They were built for defensive purposes and would have had
wooden buildings to house soldiers and others. They were primarily
built during the initial expansion of the Anglo-Normans in Ireland
and thus date primarily the end of the 12th century and the beginning
of the 13th century. Also located nearby Portlick is the impressive
site of Portlick Castle (Plate 54). This structure dates to the
Medieval Period with later additions added in the subsequent centuries.
Another
castle site is located in Co. Wicklow 1000m NE of Ballygannon.
Very little remains of the castle beyond the foundations of a
single tower and square fortifications. Located just over 2 km
from Glengarra Wood in Tipperary is the remains of a fortified
house and bawn wall. Fortified houses are often very like tower
houses and generally date to the latter part of the Medieval Period
and into the Post-Medieval Period. They are basically large houses
built with defence as a prime concern as is evident in the thickness
of their walls and other defensive features.
A
moated site is located 720m SW of Camolin forest in Co. Wexford.
Moated sites are defended habitation sites and are generally square
or rectangular in plan and surrounded by a high earthen bank and
ditch. They generally constitute settlement sites that would have
contained a number of dwellings protected by the bank and ditch.
They are most commonly found in outlying areas, far from the protection
of the castles and towns.
A
number of other sites may date from this period including churches,
graveyards, cross slabs and holy wells. Unfortunately without
excavation or other forms of more detailed investigation, accurate
dates for the construction and use of these sites will remain
unknown. However, many of the church sites are currently in ruins
and may very well date to the Medieval Period or even earlier.
Another particular type of site is the 'Killeen' or children's
burial ground of which there are two in close proximity to Rosturra
in Co. Galway. They were primarily used for the burial of un-baptised
children who could not be placed within the churches' graveyards.
They are often circular in appearance and surrounded by stone
walls, often incorporated into larger field systems.
1.4.7
The Post-Medieval Period AD 1500 to AD 1700
The Post-Medieval Period is generally associated with the resurgence
of English control and colonisation in Ireland and particularly
the institution of large plantations. This was coupled with the
reuse of castles and tower houses and the construction of manor
houses and fortified houses. The structures at Castle Archdale
in Co. Fermanagh close to the forest site is a prime example.
Another mansion house and garden feature in Co. Galway, 1300m
SE of Derrygill Forest probably dates to this period. These houses
would have been the homes of the lords who owned the plantations
and often included large expanses of manicured gardens.
Many
of the other site types dating mainly to the Medieval Period such
as churches and graveyards would have continued in use into this
period.
A
number of the sites in this study are on the lands of these large
demesnes that date from this period and the subsequent century.
In many cases their fine houses are located nearby and are often
still lived in. Their gardens were often planted with specimen
trees and are responsible for many of the larger trees still found
on these sites.
1.4.8
The Modern Period AD 1700 to the Present
This period covers all modern structures and constructions and
by far constitutes the majority of the sites encountered during
the course of the field work. They include primarily vernacular
cottages and field boundaries. All of these are well indicated
on the Ordnance Survey maps and indicate that many of the forest
sites constitute planted farmland.
1.5
The History of Woodlands
1.5.1
Forests
Irish woodlands were sown after the last ice age nearly 10,000
years ago. The native vegetation of Ireland can be gauged by an
examination of lake sediments and peat deposits. Peat is good
for preserving pollen and due to the nature of the peat horizons,
being laid down layer by layer, the horizons allow a chronological
analysis of the vegetation. The deepest horizons represent the
oldest layers while the layers nearest the surface indicate more
recent developments. These peat horizons therefore indicate accurately
the types of plants growing on the bog surface and in the nearby
countryside when each layer was laid down (Nelson and Walsh 1993,
10-11).
Analysis
of pollen indicate that grasses, herbs and willow were prevalent
in the Irish landscape 13,000 years ago. Juniper and crowberry
around 12,400 years ago. Pollen samples indicate the presence
of birch but it is unknown if they represented individual specimens
or a forest 12,000 years ago (Nelson and Walsh 1993, 10-11). Valleys
had extensive cover of oak, elm, ash and hazel on fertile soils
around 7,000 to 5,500 years ago, while on sandy and acidic soils
there was mixture of oak, pine and birch. On waterlogged soils
supported sally and alder 7,000 to 5,500 years ago. These woodland
would have appeared very different to those present today which
have been the result of planting during the eighteenth, nineteenth
and twentieth centuries. They were probably not dominated by oak
but supported a range of species according to the soil type present.
When
Mesolithic people arrived in Ireland between 9,000 and 8,000 years
ago, they found a climate warmer than today, with fewer peatlands
and extensive deciduous woodlands. The density of the forests
probably confined humans to coastal regions and stretches along
rivers. The hunter-gatherer lifestyle would have had little impact
on the landscape. For the next two thousand years forest cover
remained relatively unchanged and perhaps reached its maximum
during this period.
Deteriorating
climate and the arrival of Neolithic farmers (between 6,000-5,000
years ago) initiated forest decline which marked the start of
a period of great change in the Irish landscape. In the 5,500
years since the beginning of the Neolithic period, native forest
cover has declined to less than 1 per cent today (0.2 per cent
represents ancient woodland). An increase in rainfall and lower
temperatures led to the water logging of soils and the spread
of blanket bog. Lowland forests were affected by farming and grazing
by domestic animals. It is assumed that early farmers probably
ringed the bark, killing trees so that crops could be planted
under the leafless canopies. The later introduction of the plough
accelerated the forest decline. Some suggestion indicate that
our treeless landscape dates back to the Bronze Age. Others suggest,
as a result of recurrent forest regeneration, the greater part
of the country was still covered by trees up o the twelfth century,
but greatly reduced. Native scots pine as well as elm were extinct
by the twelfth or thirteenth century whereas hazel expanded, presumably
into areas of cleared woodland abandoned by farmers (Nelson and
Walsh 1993, 10-11).
The
poets of the Early Christian period included their love of nature
into their poetry. "On of the earliest nature poems describes
the exploits of the legendary Suibhne Geilt (Mad Sweeney) who,
tradition relates, was King of Dál Riata in the north-east
of Ireland during the seventh century. He was reported to go mad
during the battle of Mag Rath (c. AD 634) and, transformed into
a bird by St. Ronan, left the field of battle and wandered through
Ireland for seven years, living in the woods before returning
home" (Nelson and Walsh 1993, 4-5). Suibhne's wrote a poem
about the woodland as follows:
The
bushy leafy oaktree
Is highest in the wood,
The forking shooting hazel
Has nests of hazel-nut.
The
alder is my darling,
All thornless in the gap,
Some milk of human kindness
Coursing in its sap.
The
blackthorn is a jaggy creel
Stippled with dark sloes,
Green watercress is thatch on wells
Where the drinking blackbird goes.
Ever-generous
apple-trees
Rain down big showers when shaken;
Scarlet berries clot like blood
On mountain rowan.
Briars
curl in sideways,
Arch a stickle back,
Draw blood, and curl up innocent
To sneak the next attack.
The
yew tree in each churchyard
Wraps night in its dark hood.
Ivy is a shadowy
Genius in the wood.
Holly
rears its windbreak,
A door in winter's face;
Life-blood on a spear-shaft
Darkens the grain of ash.
Birch
tree, smooth and blessed,
Delicious to the breeze,
High twigs plait and crown it
The queen of trees.
The
aspen pales
And whispers, hesitates:
A thousand frightened scuts
Race in its leaves.
But what disturbs me
More than anything
Is an oak rod, always
Testing its thong.
The
earliest account of Ireland's trees is in the Zoilomastix of Don
Phillip O' Sullivan Beare, written in Spain between 1624 and 1626.
He recorded Irish vernacular names and knew about some unusual
plants. "He reported that the strawberry tree grew in Ireland,
that sweet chestnuts grew in Ulster at 'Claun eth bui' (Clann
Aodh Bui) and that there was no shortage of pine in Glenconkeny
forest, a famous woodland on the north-western shore of Lough
Neagh" (Nelson and Walsh 1993, 6).
A
century later Samuel Waring of Armagh wrote the first book published
in Ireland about tree propagation. Waring encouraged his fellows
to plant "firr trees"-Scots pine, frequently called
"fir". The Dublin Society, founded in 1732, took up
the role by the mid eighteenth century in encouraging the renewal
of woodlands and forests by awarding premiums (grants-in-aid)
to landowners who planted trees. This encouraged several landowners
to write about their endeavours resulting in five books being
published in the last half of the eighteenth century on arboriculture
(ibid). Other books were produced throughout the latter half of
the eighteenth century and early nineteenth century by George
Stevenson Newry in 1767; R. Stevenson in 1783; Samuel Hayes in
1822; Dr. Walter Wade in 1796; Katherine Bailey in 1833 and Henry
John Elwes and Augustine Henry in 1906 with further books published
throughout the latter half of the twentieth century (Nelson and
Walsh 1993, 7-9).
"There
is a Gallo-Brittonic word 'nemeton' which is used for a shrine
or sanctuary in a sense that implies a sacred grove or clearing
in a wood. The word in Latin is 'nemus' meaning 'a wood with a
clearing in it' or 'the clearing itself within a grove'. Many
'nemeton' existed in the Celtic world. In the eight century 'forest
sanctuaries' which they called 'nimidae' are listed as heathen
abominations, and in the eleventh century, a Breton 'wood called
Nemet' is recorded. The word and idea came through into Old Irish
as 'nemed', a sanctuary, and 'fidnemed', a forest shrine or sacred
grove" (Piggott 1968, 63-64).
Irish
society was well organised and closely regulated in pre-Christian
and Early Christian times. Attitudes to forests and their importance
to the people of ancient Ireland can be gleaned from the surviving
fragments of laws, especially those contained in the eight century
tract Bretha Comaithchesa, the 'Laws of the Neighbourhood'. Under
the Brehon Laws trees and shrubs were given protection against
wilful damage, and severe penalties could be exacted for damaging
the most valuable species. The Brehon Laws essentially held that
land (including woodland) was held in common by the people of
the tuath (the people/territory ruled by a minor king). The Bretha
Comaithchege (Laws or Judgements of neighbourhood) arranges trees
in four groups according to their economic importance (Tables
1-3).
(i)
Noble trees
oak (dair); hazel (coll); holly (cuillean); yew (ibur); ash (fuinnse,
fuinnseann or fuinnseog); pine (ochtach or giuis); apple (aball)
(ii)
Common trees
alder (fernn); willow (sail); hawthorn (scieth); rowan (caerthann);
birch (buithe); elm (leam) and another (idha) which is not known
from its Irish name.
(iii) Scrub trees
blackthorn (daidean or droigean); elder (trom); white hazel (fincoll);
aspen (crithach); arbutus (caithne); and two others not known
from their Irish names, feorus and crann-fir.
(iv)
Bramble trees
fern (raith); bog-myrtl (rait); furze (aiteand); briar (dris);
heath (fraech); ivy (eideand); broom (gilcach); gooseberry (spin).
The
status of each tree was determined by its size and produce; the
oak was deemed noble due to its size and appearance and its meas
or mast of acorns. Substantial fines were specified for damage
to trees. The fine (dire) for felling a 'noble tree', "airig
fedo" was a 'seoit', two and a half milch cows (1 set = 2
milch cows); for illegally cutting a branch without permission
was a yearling heifer (dairt). If a larger limb was cut the fine
was a two year old heifer (colpthach).The cost of cutting the
tree at the base was a milch-cow (bó). Lesser penalties
applied to lesser ranks of trees; for cutting a branch from a
'commoner', 'aithig fedo', the fine was a sheep; the 'dire' for
'fodla fedo', a tree of the 'lower division of the wood'-strawberry
tree, for example was a two year old heifer. If you cut a single
stem of your neighbours bracken, there was no penalty because
it was ranked merely as 'losa fedo' and 'their single stems are
not entitled to a penalty'. However if you completely eliminated
a neighbour' bracken, heather, bog myrtle or brambles without
consent, the compensation due was one 'dairt', a one year-old
heifer (Nelson and Walsh 1993, 16).
Woods
at this time provided not just timber but a variety of food for
man and his animals. Perception also aided their preservation
as trees in raths or raheens were not cut without bringing ill-luck.
"Misfortunes of families were often traced to the cutting
of trees" (Kinahan 1882, 168-9). Every person of the tuath
had a equal right to the timber and produce of the wood, varying
from 'the night's supply of kindling' and 'the nut gathering of
every wood' to 'timber of a carriage for a corpse'. The Hermit's
Song was a poem written in the seventh century by a hermit living
alone in a woodland. The wood provided shelter: 'A hiding turf,
a green barked yew is my roof, /While nearby a great oak keeps
me tempest-proof'. It also provided a variety of food: 'I can
pick my fruit from an apple like an inn, /Or can fill my fist
where hazels shut me in' (Hannigan and Nolan 1994, 56).
The
Anglo-Norman invasion had important implications for woodlands
in Ireland. They brought with them the idea of private ownership
of the land and what stood upon it, a concept alien to Irish law.
The Normans tried to introduce the forest laws of England. During
the reign of Henry II (1154-1189) the forest laws were still in
full force and the passion of the Norman kings for 'the chase'
reached its peak. As soon as a firm footing was obtained in Ireland,
a royal forest was established. The term royal forest was a loose
one which was applied to an area of land, with or without trees,
that was subject to forest law. The woods on the east coast were
very attractive because of their proximity to Dublin. A large
proportion of land outside the Pale came under the operation of
forest laws as may be seen by the license granted by Henry II
in 1229 to Luke, archbishop of Dublin, for 'the deforestation
of certain lands of that state' (Hannigan and Nolan 1994, 56).
While
the forests were in Norman hands they were exploited for the English
market. The Normans introduced resources and machinery to fell
and export timber. Uncharted dense forests were major assets for
a lightly armed, highly mobile Irish army. Richard II realised
that the greatest threat to the Anglo-Norman colony was the Leinster
forest.
In
1399 he employed five thousand people to cut a way through the
forest for the royal army on its trek from the Barrow valley (stronghold
of Art MacMurrough) to the Wicklow coast. From their woodland
refuges, Mac Murrough's men picked off stragglers at the rear
of the royal army. The expedition left Richard with a famished
and very much reduced army by the time he reached the coast. Two
centuries after Richard's invasion, the Wicklow forests, although
less extensive, were still harbouring the Leinster clans. Some
pollen evidence supports the conjecture that the violence and
disruption of the Viking and Norman periods allowed some new woodland
to appear on deserted farmland (Hannigan and Nolan 1994, 56).
Little
reference is made to Irish woods during the later medieval period
until the Tudor conquest in the sixteenth century reinforced the
perception of forests as the strongholds of the Irish 'woodkernes'
as well as wolves. The woods are described in the State Papers
as 'shelter for the ill-disposed' and 'the seat and nursery of
rebellion'. Blackwood in county Kildare was apparently a half-way
resting place for rustlers and their stolen cattle, as they roamed
to and from the glens of Wicklow. A piece written in the time
of Elizabeth 1st noted that there were plenty of woods in Ireland
except in Leinster, where they have been 'cut down because they
harbour the Irish rebels' and now 'they are enforced in those
parts, for want off fuel, to burn turves' (Hannigan and Nolan
1994, 56).
By
the beginning of the sixteenth century the pale had been so thoroughly
cleared of accessible timber that landowners were advised to compel
tenants to plant trees, especially oak. Intense exploitation of
Irish woods by the New English occurred during the seventeenth
century. Large quantities of timber were needed for iron works,
pipestaves, ship building and bark for tanning. In 1609 and 1611
the council of lords directed, that 'in view of the great abundance
of timber in Ireland, and the great waste thereof for pipe-staves
and other minor uses as well as export, no timber in the king's
woods may be used for such purposes but should be retained for
navy requirements' (Hannigan and Nolan 1994, 56).
Ireland
in 1600 was substantially forested but by 1711 it was a net importer
of timber. Two centuries of exploitation had ravaged the forests.
Timber became scarce in many parts of the country. It was decided
in 1720 that timber allowances to tenants should not include even
the lop or top of timber felled; a hard restriction when timber
was such a vital ingredient in every day life. The harsh restrictions
did little to encourage tree preservation or planting among tenants
and is probably the root cause of the negative perception of trees
which has persisted to recent times (Ibid).
The
beginning of the eighteenth century marked the start of a period
of great estate plantings for aesthetic, commercial and game management
purposes. The impetus for this move may have been the political
stability of the period in combination with a growing awareness
of declining timber resources. As many as twenty-one parliamentary
acts, aimed at preserving trees and encouraging planting were
introduced between 1634 and 1785. The parliamentary act of 1698
prescribed the number of trees to be planted in each county (Ibid).
Timber
resources in Ireland were apparently adequate to supply a variety
of industries in the eighteenth century and well into the first
half of the nineteenth century. The planting and management of
woodlands were undertaken in many parts of the country. The general
availability of turf for fuel may have alleviated tenants' timber
requirements. The 1700s and 1800s were also marked by the creation
of magnificent gardens. Many new trees species were introduced
to the country at this time(Ibid).
Before the end of the seventeenth century Spanish chestnut, Scots
pine, stone pine, lime, walnut, hornbeam, plane as well as English
and Dutch elm had been introduced. The following century saw the
introduction of various pines, silver fir, horse-chestnut, American
red oak and Turkey oak. Hayes in 1794 commented on fine mature
exotic trees, some of which must have been planted in the preceding
century (Ibid).
A
significant change occurred in the species composition of the
woods in the early eighteenth century. The majority were no longer
pure deciduous woods because of the practice of using conifers
as a nurse crop for the hardwoods. On the later O.S. maps many
of these mixed woods were marked as deciduous woods, presumably
because the conifers had been felled. Tree planting commenced
again in the last century and continued well into the later half
of the nineteenth century. Landowners were now sufficiently secure
to begin tree planting, as an economic crop rather than an amenity,
on their estates (Hannigan and Nolan 1994, 95).
The
passing of the land acts in 1881 resulted in little further planting
and large areas were cleared from then onwards. By the beginning
of the twentieth century the remaining pure broad leafed woodlands
in the country as a whole accounted for only 16 per cent (Oak
9 per cent) of the total tree cover. This consisted mainly of
old demesne woods, ornamental plantations and former coppices.
The
collapse of the landlord system forced the state to assume responsibility
for the production of timber. However, before 1922 only 1,200
acres were planted. A forestry school was established at Avondale,
the former house of Samuel Hayes and, later, Charles Parnell.
The afforestation of valleys with conifers began after 1920 (Hannigan
and Nolan 1994, 98).
The
second World War and post-war years took a heavy toll on Ireland's
trees. In 1938, Ireland had one per cent forest cover. Hardwoods
comprised only 26 per cent of this, while mixed forests accounted
for just over 48 per cent. The remainder were softwood plantations.
More than half of this cover was felled in the ten years between
1938 and 1947 (Ibid).
1.6
Folklore
The folklore of trees is dying out; where once trees were important
for survival providing wood for fires and building construction
as well as providing berries for eating and bark for dyeing cloths,
today trees are no longer a necessity. All of these uses have
fallen out of use due to technological advances and the belief
system associated with trees and woodland following them. No longer
are trees or "fairy forts" (ringforts) held sacred out
of fear of annoying or angering the "wee folk" or the
"little people".
Trees were highly valued in the past. Codes of Practice were applied
to protect them and to ensure their regeneration from one generation
to another. Folklore enshrined some of these codes: The Brehon
Laws (see above). Trees were closely connected with the religion
of the Celtic peoples, and from Roman times there are written
records of groves and individual trees sacred to their Gods.
A venerated single tree known as a 'bile' was part of any sacred
place where Celtic kings were inaugurated. Early Irish literature
describes five sacred trees in Ireland marking important inaugural
sites for tribal kings or landmark/meeting-places of tribes. According
to the Rennes Dindsenchas they are no longer in existence (Pennick
1996, 27). One stood for each province; they were the trees of
Ross and Mugna, Tortu and Datha, and the branching ash tree of
Uisneach, which stood alongside the Stone of Divisions, the navel
of the land. "Mugna's tree was an evergreen oak which bore
three varieties of fruit: in addition to acorns, it produced apples
and nuts, perhaps from grafted branches. Offerings and the remains
of ceremonies were hung upon bile trees. Also, some sacred trees
were not left in their natural state, but were tended and altered
somewhat in the fashion of the later trained lindens of mainland
Europe" (Pennick 1996, 28). Lucas describes the "five
legendary trees of Ireland; (i) Bile Tortan; (ii) Eo Mugna; (iii)
Eo Rossa; (iv) Craib Daithi and (v) Bile Uisnig. 'Craib Daithi'
or 'Fanbill W.M.'-'Fin-Bile' meaning 'men of the bile'. 'Bile
Uisnig' or 'Uonagh W.M.'" (Lucas 1963, 16-54). Daithi O'
hOgain describes the five sacred trees also: "the most celebrated
of them was the Bile Tartain at Ardbraccan in Co. Meath, said
to have been as ash of gigantic size. Others were the yew of Mughain
near Ballaghmoon in Co. Kildare, the yew of Ros at Old Leighlin
in Co. Carlow, an ash called 'Daithi's Branch' at Farbill in Co.
Westmeath and another ash called 'the Branch of Uisneach' at Ushnagh
in the same county. The sites of many of the great trees were
taken over by monastic communities, and there are several mentions
of such in the lives of the saints. The belief long survived that
a very old and notable tree, termed a 'bile', was in some way
sacred, and accounts in both literature and folklore tell of misfortune
befalling people who interfered with such a 'bile' or cut it down
(O' hOgain 1991, 178).
The
arrival of Christianity ensured that the sacred trees were Christianised.
Very old trees were held in special veneration and many of them
associated with saints (Nelson and Walsh 1993, 14). Concerning
magical properties, the early literature associates the hazel
with seers, but in ordinary folklore, pride of place is accorded
to the rowan. This, called in Irish, 'caorthann' and also known
as 'mountain-ash', was believed to be especially effective. A
piece of rowan was put in the milk-pail and around the churn to
prevent magical milk-stealing, and it was kept in the house in
the belief that it prevented fire (O' hOgain 1991, 178).
The word used in an Irish context to indicate a centre of druidic
ritual was 'neimheadh', which had the meaning 'sacred place' and
is also the name of a fictional druid of old. These places seem
to have often been close to trees, hence the Irish term 'fiodhneimheadh',
where 'fiodh' means a tree, and there are many indications that
the cult of trees was very strong among druids. The word 'druid'
in Old Irish appears to be 'druí', plural 'druid'. Its
derivation is thought to stem from the Greek word for 'oak-tree'
known as 'drus' (Piggott 1968, 100). Other derivations for the
word stem from a druid being synomyous with an 'oak-scientist'
or in Irish 'dair' meaning 'oak'. The favourite tree of the druids
was the rowan and it was on wattles of this tree that the Irish
practitioners slept in order to have prophetic visions. The hazel
tree was also important, as evidenced by the druidic name Mac
Cuill ('son of hazel') and also by the lore concerning 'nine hazel
trees at the source of the river Boyne, the nuts of which had
a nucleus of wisdom' (O' hOgain 1991, 169).
"There
is a poem about a yew tree of Ross, "Druim Suithe",
a medieval Irish poem which reveals the symbolism and importance
of the tree to the Celtic people. It is full of allusions and
kennings, describing the famed oracular tree of Leinster, the
word-pure man" (Pennick 1996, 28). Celtic custom held that
when a notable tree died, a new one should be planted in its place,
preferably from a cutting from the old one, or from a seedling
of its fruit, to ensure continuity over thousands of years. The
oak tree was a symbol of stability and living continuity in Celtic
custom as well as the Celtic battle-standard (Pennick 1996, 28).
The Celtic bardic tradition is interwoven with trees. The Irish
bardic alphabet, ogham script, is linked expressly with them.
"Each character has a corresponding tree, for example: B
for birch; D for oak; S for willow etc. Each tree was seen as
an embodiment of the quality expressed by the ogham character"
(Pennick 1996, 30).
According to Irish lore, a single thorn growing in the middle
of a stony field or on a hillside is protected or inhabited by
the fairies. It was considered very sacred where it grows close
to a large boulder or over a holy well. Thorn trees growing on
a bank forming an L or V-shape were considered special places.
Classes of supernatural beings were considered present in certain
trees (Pennick 1996, 32).
Some trees were honoured as special trees by tying wool, string,
ribbons or rags to it. Usually, this was done by those seeking
a cure at a holy well. Often the belief was held that the offering
had to be tied to the tree with raw wool, a material which was
thought to absorb harmful and polluting substances. Sometimes
the ribbons or rags were nailed to trees. The practice of hanging
relics and remains of sacrifices in trees, originally Pagan, appears
to have been continued by the Celtic Christians. Several Lives
of Celtic saints recount incidents where objects were hung in
trees used by the saints as stopping-places. "While travelling,
Celtic priests spent the night in or under trees, hanging their
valuables in the branches. This had both a practical and symbolic
purpose. The tree would protect the traveller physically, whilst
its spirit would be honoured by the presence of sacred objects.
St. Senan actually died beneath a thorn tree at Kileochaille near
Rossbay" (Pennick 1996, 33).
1.7
Conclusions
1.7.1
Recommendations
1.7.1.1 The desk study based on the SMR and in combination with
associated field surveys cannot be considered a comprehensive
record of the archaeology present. It is therefore highly probable
that further sites, features and items of archaeological consequence
will be identified during the course of pre-planting and clear
felling procedures.
1.7.1.2
Recent European Union directives related to forestry and afforestation
have highlighted the lack of forested land in Ireland. While over
8% of Ireland's land is currently forested, it is still the least
forested of all European Union countries (The Heritage Council
1999, 8). This is a marked improvement over a figure of approximately
1% forested land at the turn of the 20th century. However, the
Forestry Service's strategic plan on afforestation has set a target
of 17% forested land (1.189 million hectares) by the year 2030.
To achieve this goal, Cóillte and the Forestry Service
have begun a planting program that will see upwards of 20000 hectares
planted per year (Johnson 1998, 43).
1.7.1.3
Forestry and its component parts of ground preparation, planting
and clearfelling are inherently destructive processes and all
can have a marked effect on both known and unknown archaeological
sites. With the massive scope of planting proposed for Ireland
over the next thirty years, forestry will constitute by far the
single largest impact on Ireland's landscape and consequently,
its archaeological heritage.
1.7.1.4
While the 344 hectares to be clearfelled/planted as part of the
People's Millennium Forest Project's program of works constitutes
only a tiny portion of the 20,000 hectares that will be affected
by forestry, strict guidelines concerning the identification and
preservation of both known and potential archaeological sites
should be applied to all forestry projects, large and small.
1.7.1.5
Recent publications by the Heritage Council (Johnson 1998 and
Heritage Council 1999) in addition to specific guidelines set
forth by the Forestry Service, Forestry and Archaeology Guidelines
(2000) have targeted both private and public forestry and its
effects on archaeology and other aspects of Ireland's heritage.
The referral system developed in co-operation between Dúchas-The
Heritage Service (Ireland's governing body for archaeology) and
the Forestry Service for the protection of archaeological sites
to be affected by grant-aided forestry on private land constitutes
a crucial first step in the preservation of archaeological sites
threatened by forestry.
1.7.1.6
The referral system is based upon the RMP, the Record of Monuments
and Places. These are a series of Ordinance Survey 6" maps
with all known archaeological sites clearly indicated. To be able
to plant in the area adjacent a recorded archaeological site,
certain restrictions must be adhered to in order to comply with
the requirements for the various grant schemes.
1.7.1.7
A similar agreement has been reached directly between Dúchas
and Cóillte in relation to the preservation of existing
archaeological sites in forested areas. This includes primarily
the maintenance of designated and clearly marked exclusion zones
around recorded archaeological sites and restrictions to the felling
process in and around these sites. However, both the referral
system and Cóillte's current initiatives aimed at preserving
archaeology is limited primarily to previously known recorded
sites as indicated on the RMP. The RMP represents only a fraction
of the potential archaeology resting invisibly beneath the surface.
Also, particularly in relation to the older, more overgrown forests,
such as a number of those included in this study, means that sites
that would otherwise have been highly visible and identifiable
may lay completely hidden.
1.7.2
Mitigation for Forestry and the Protection of Known Archaeological
Sites